(Some) international observers call elections free, democratic
Elections
With 153 international observers giving their stamp of approval, the latest elections in Pridnestrovie were declared free and democratic — the only "observers" who claimed otherwise were those who weren't even there.
In the run-up to its parliamentary election Pridnestrovie saw plenty of campaigning for young pro-reform candidates
To anyone who's ever voiced any doubt about the quality of democracy in Pridnestrovie there's an easy answer: Come here and see for yourself.
On 11 December 2005 voters went to the polls in Pridnestrovie to exercise their constitutional right to vote. As in the past, the country invited foreign observers to monitor the vote. 153 independent international observers were present, both from foreign government bodies (such as the Russian and the Polish parliaments) and from non-government organizations and foreign political parties. The voting resulted in a multi-etnic parliament with young, women and minorities. The big loser was the government: The ruling party lost and only two out of 43 parliament members are government officials.
Opposition to the people's right to vote continued in Moldova, as the local OSCE mission to that country made statements regarding Pridnestrovie's upcoming ballot. As in the past, the government of Moldova launched a campaign aimed at convincing international observers not to attend the election. Despite Chisinau's efforts, a large segment of the international community clearly appreciates Pridnestrovie's right to live in freedom, under a government of its own choosing.
Representatives from Commonwealth of Independent States' CIS-EMO's delegation were the first to certify the election results as fully free and fair. Likewise, representatives from the British delegation who observed the parliamentary poll in 2000 and presidential election in 2001 found their conduct "no worse, and in many ways better, than elections praised by the international community elsewhere." In 2005, the situation was repeated and solidified with a reform of the electoral code and the incorporation of the full set of OSCE rules. Here's a close behind the scenes look at how it went.
No pre-disqualification of candidates
A common practice elsewhere, Moldova included, is to run candidates through a filter before they get to stand for election. Using various criteria pulled from a hat, state election commissions evaluate and "disqualify" the more threatening candidates who not only automatically lose but never even make it onto the ballot.
Not so in Pridnestrovie. In the latest parliamentary election where 175 candidates competed for the full 43 seats in Parliament, voters could on average choose between four candidates for each seat. No one was disqualified, neither before or after the election. Everyone who wanted to run could freely do so.
Andre Tarna, leader of the Patria-Moldova organization, an NGO which helps Moldovan citizens abroad, spoke at the International Press Center in Tiraspol on December 12, 2005, noticing a significant difference in elections in Moldova and Pridnestrovie: “ - Pridnestrovie's elections are active and [involving] youth,” he said, while adding his name to the list of international observers approving the transparency of December's parliamentary elections.
Take a closer look at who actually won and it becomes clear that all walks of life are represented: Lots of young people, a good number of women and minorities, and people all backgrounds and professions.
Civic groups and the private sector is strongly represented in Pridnestrovie's parliament. 19 private sector company directors got elected (out of 75 who ran as candidates), compared to the government sector: Pridnestrovie has got to be the only European country where government was virtually barred by the voters from entering Parliament. Only two out a total of 43 MP's are government officials. The rest are made up of representatives from civil society and NGOs, four of whom are teachers or health care workers.
Split among party lines, the winner is the opposition. 23 of the 43 seats went to the Renewal party, representing the liberal pro-business community of the region. And adding another 6 allies, the total Renewal-dominated coalition in parliament comes to 29 seats, a clear majority over its main rival, Respublica.
Moldova's observers validate result ... and OSCE?
Echoing the chorus of other international observers, in its final report even the Moldovan delegation called the elections "quite democratic" and observed that all candidates were given equal rights. But the observers from Chisinau could hardly have taken any other stand. Absent any statements, a mere analysis of the poll and, especially, of its outcome offers the needed proof of its democratic nature.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, OSCE, was tiffed that the election followed the constitutionally-mandated schedule and had not been moved to 2006 or later, as the organization had requested. Officially, it chose to negate itself to irrelevance and refused to send officially accredited observers. But the OSCE has a permanent mission in Tiraspol, Pridnestrovie, and in the days leading up Pridnestrovie's 11 December 2005 election, activity in the office increased with more people showing up and all of them visiting polling stations on election day. They were out and about on election day, saw the whole thing, and filed their own report in private. They saw the facts and also saw that all of OSCE's recommendations were implemented and adhered to, even though the organization itself refused to "play ball".
The OSCE has a a bit of a love-hate relationship with Pridnestrovie. Because on one hand, there's the obvious: That Pridnestrovie is a separate, independent country and has been functioning as such for more than a decade and a half. But nevertheless the OSCE takes the side of Moldova (who is a member of the OSCE) against the side of Pridnestrovie (who would like to be a member, but is not yet allowed in by the others). It will be interesting to see how maturely the OSCE handles relations with Pridnestrovie in the years to come and to what extent this will affect the future credibility of the organization's ability to deal with the changing world situation of new and emerging states.
Why didn't the OSCE participate with officially accredited observers? They were invited ... but refused to participate formally. So they can hardly claim in public that the elections were not free or that they do not recognize the elections. Those observers that DID come all said with one voice that the elections were free, fair and democratic.
Unofficially, but still reported in the press, OSCE official Metyu Sidoroff called the elections "democratic and transparent."
Strong numbers for the opposition
A little over half of the existing parliament wanted to continue there for a second term. But their re-election was by no means a fait accompli and even these well known candidates had to fight hard to win. Not in all cases did they win re-election. 23 deputies from the old parliament stood as candidates again, with five failing to get re-elected and just 18 of them winning re-election. Chief among the winners: Young, charismatic Yevgeny Shevchuk whose party swept the board and who rode to victory as the new parliament's chairman. In districts where the opposition fielded strong candidates it had real chances of winning — and it did.
In one of the most important Tiraspol districts, the government's Respublica party had fielded what it thought was a shoe-in: Rector Berila of Pridnestrovie's state university. But the government candidate lost and his seat was taken by "black horse" opposition candidate Bodnar. There were long faces in the Central Election Commission when this result was announced, considered an unpleasant victory by local political analysts. But there was never anyone who dreamed of not respecting the people's right to a free and fair vote.
Pridnestrovie's parliament swears in new MP's. The election was won by reformers and outsiders against the government's own preferred candidates.
The same story was repeated all over the country. Several well known politicians were thrown out of a job. Also losing the election were a number of well known businessmen and corporate leaders, their seats taken by young minority candidates and in some cases women. In Bender, upstart company director Tomayli pulled an upset victory over a wellplaced incumbent member of Parliament. In another district in Bender, businessman Pasyutin beat the Ataman of the Black Sea Cossacks, a traditionalist bloc supporting the government of president Igor Smirnov. And in one particular David-vs-Goliat race, the head of a small business Onufriyenko polled more votes than a big-business candidate from one of Pridnestrovie's leading companies, Moldkabel.
Conclusion: Need new press center
The tight races where existing pro-establishment candidates were left out in the cold add to the proof of the free and fair nature of Pridnestrovie's 11 December 2005 elections. Underlining the young country's respect of law, the best candidates won: Those who campaigned to convince the voters that they deserved their trust. And who lost? Those who thought they had connections, high offices or well placed relatives.
Pridnestrovie, Europe's newest corner, has grown up and shown its ability to organize free and fair elections. Doubt it? Come and see for yourself. To the organizations claiming that Pridnestrovie does not have free elections, Pridnestrovie answers: How do you know? You were invited, but you refused to show up... Those who DID show up obviously have the benefit of first hand knowledge. And it is telling that their opinion differs markedly from that of those who only discredit from afar.
" - The present elections of parliamentary deputies testify that Pridnestrovie is a state with a large political experience and balance," declared one of the international observers, Gennadi Sharov, the Vice President of the International Union of Attorneys.
" - After studying and reviewing the electoral code, the constitution and electoral rules of the republic we can state clearly that that everything was organized to the highest level".
From the Russian parliament, the State Duma, the First Deputy Chairman of the Committee of the Russian Federation's State Duma for the affairs of the CIS, Ahmet Bilalov, concurred:
" - These elections correspond to the standards which we observe in the countries that make up the Commonwealth of Independent States."
The next time there's an election in Pridnestrovie, only one thing will be changed: The size of the press center. During the last election it was almost impossible to get in, due to the record number of candidates, numerous international observers, election commission workers and foreign journalist who arrived on the scene and wanted to see Pridnestrovie's democracy in action first hand, up close and personal. Democracy won't change in Pridnestrovie. But the international press center will.
