Both Pridnestrovie and Taiwan are unrecognized states which have full de facto external and internal sovereignty. They share similarities: Both countries are small. They both have a much-larger Communist-ruled neighbor next door. In both countries, the lack of formal diplomatic recognition is caused by heavy international lobbying on the part of the larger neighbor. Both countries suffer from a lack of adequate foreign representation and face endless smear campaigns by their larger neighbors.

Taiwan and China (PRC) used to be one country, just as Moldova and Pridnestrovie during their forced union under Soviet rule. When the former, larger entities dissolved, both new countries went their separate ways. In both cases, the larger Communist neighbor wants to swallow up the smaller, independent nation and liquidate it from the map. China has a claim on Taiwan, similar to Moldova's claim on Pridnestrovie. Neither of the two larger countries recognize the valid existence of their two smaller neighbors. This is the reason for international nonrecognition of both smaller countries. But here the similarities end.

Taiwan, too, has a claim on China, in that it considers itself the government in exile for all of China. It does not recognize the government of China. This is not the case of Pridnestrovie and Moldova. Pridnestrovie's democratically elected government recognizes the Republic of Moldova and recognizes its right to exist as a state sovereign under international law. Pridnestrovie's government does not consider itself the government in exile of Moldova, or a government in exile of anything for that matter. Pridnestrovie has 816 km of clearly defined land borders and rules within its own territory. It has no irredentist claims on any part of the Republic of Moldova or Ukraine, its two neighboring countries.

Recognition of Taiwan is often made more difficult because of the Taiwanese government's own political insistence that foreign countries are forced to choose between Taiwan (ROC) or China (PRC). It is an either/or position whereby if a country wants to recognize China, it can not recognize Taiwan, or vice versa.

This is not the case of Pridnestrovie and Moldova. Because Pridnestrovie recognized the valid existence of the Republic of Moldova, Pridnestrovie also does not insist that a foreign state must choose which of the two countries to have relations with. Diplomatic relations can be established with both countries. A foreign state can extend recognition of one without excluding the other.

Recognition is not a moral "stamp of approval" but merely a pragmatic gesture of stating the obvious: That a country exists and is the effective holder of its own domestic sovereignty. In the case of Pridnestrovie, recognition does not entail any value judgment vis-a-vis Moldova's territorial claim. The granting of international recognition is a neutral act which does not imply approval of the recognized country's policy positions, as the following statement by Great Britain before the UN General Assembly makes clear: "The question of recognition should be decided on the facts and it should ot be influenced by the like or dislike or the government in question. Recognition should be based on control of territory and/or state, and should not convey any moral interpretations."

For the international system to work smoothly it is important for all actors to be able to trust that a clear and unambigious ruleset exists and must be observed. This places an obligation on the established powers to act responsibly and not play games with the fundamental pieces of the international system; such as the act of granting formal recognition to new and emerging states. Centuries of international practice, codified in charters like the Montevideo Convention, [0] is undermined when not diligently observed. It is unfortunate when the bureaucrats or politicians of established powers feel like reinventing the wheel or playing games with the system for short term political points. This upsets the delicate balance on which new state / old state relations must be built and could cause unexpected and undesired international developments; perhaps not in the case of new states such as Pridnestrovie (which is firmly in the Western tradition) but in cases of new states elsewhere with a less developed sense of respect for rule of law.

In cases where a state is not prepared to fully recognize the sovereignty of a new country it can establish a more limited degree of relations: The precedent here is Britain's 1973 statement with respect to the two governments that, between them, ruled the single sovereign country of Germany: One in the East and in the West. Great Britain recognized that "the German Democratic Republic has the full authority of a sovereign state over its internal and external affairs". The other Western Allies also did not recognize the sovereignty of the GDR but only "its existence" and established diplomatic relations with it. Most Western States in the 1970s avoided any statement of recognition and simply announced the establishment of relations with the GDR. The two German governments were generally not recognized de jure, i.e. as governments of two sovereign States, but rather as authorities competent to act "like" sovereign authorities with respect to that part of the German territory under their control.

Legally, the status of Pridnestrovie is much stronger [0] than both the historic case of East Germany and the current case of Taiwan. Pridnestrovie was founded as a result of the dissolution of the previous MSSR which, as clear from the respective Declarations of Independence [0] of both of its successor states, split into two.

Pridnestrovie's current lack of recognition is not even a barrier to diplomatic relations, as Taiwan has already shown. The high number of formal agreements reached between Taiwan and the U.S. during the Clinton Administration covered everything from trade to immigration, arms sales to education, postage and technical cooperation, and included a series of visits of high-ranking personnel between the two countries (including reciprocal visits by leaders of both governments) even though Taiwan, like Pridnestrovie, is not formally recognized by the United States government.

Even so, there is no denying that the country exists. And as Taiwan has clearly shown, non-recognition does not prevent it from having one of the most prosperous economies in Asia. As a member of the World Trade Organization and a wealthy multi-party democracy, Taiwan is clearly one of the success stories of the region. The lack of recognition was not enough to prevent Taiwan from developing its country which started poor but which today is the owner of the world’s 17th-largest economy and a formidable modern military. Taiwan is moving forward with or without the stamp of approval of major world powers. The same is true for Pridnestrovie.

Pridnestrovie's diplomats focus on getting things done and to carry out a pro-active foreign policy. Like Taiwan and other states with limited international recognition, we sometimes have to work twice as hard to get the job done -- and we sometimes have to put a creative spin on our problem solving strategies. But, recognize it or not, Pridnestrovie will keep affirming its independent existence as well as its desire to be a responsible partner in the global community and a good neighbor in Europe.

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